Muhammad Abid al-Jabiri was born in 1936 in Morocco, into a rural Berber family. His father, a member of the National Liberation Movement, had been sentenced to imprisonment and exile by the French. At the age of ten, Jabiri encountered Muhammad Faraj, a reformist resistance mosque imam. From a young age, he delved into the study of Islamic sciences and the Arabic language from their original sources, actively engaging in resistance and politics. During his youth, he played a prominent role in leftist resistance parties, pioneering the publication of magazines and newspapers, and facing challenges such as arrests and imprisonment. Although he pursued studies at universities in Damascus and Paris, he ultimately completed his formal education at Rabat University in Morocco. He worked as a teacher and inspector, and authored philosophy textbooks for schools. Afterwards, he fully dedicated himself to academia, research, and writing, leaving behind all other endeavours to focus solely on this domain. Considering all of these factors, it is evident that he adeptly merged religious and intellectual principles with reformist tendencies, which were reflected in his scholarly research. Additionally, he remained cognizant of the conditions prevalent in his country and the occupied Arab-Islamic world. Moreover, Jabiri drew inspiration from the reformist Arab thinkers of the modern era, although his own name ultimately eclipsed and overshadowed theirs.
With an amalgamation of Islamic and philosophical viewpoints, his works present a comprehensive outlook on the social sciences, considering them in the light of their historical development and real-world implications. As a result, these texts aspire to bridge the past and the future, grounded in meticulous research and characterized by a profound critical intellect. Among his works that have been translated into Turkish and gained prominence in Turkiye are: “Ibn Khaldun’s Thought: Asabiyyah and the State,” “Our Philosophical Heritage,” “Reconstruction in Contemporary Arab Thought,” “Introduction to the Qur’an and Understanding the Qur’an Commentary,” and a series of four books titled “Intellectuals in Arab-Islamic Civilization” under the heading of “Critique of Arab Thought.” This series consists of the following books in order: “Formation of Arab Reason,” “Structure of Arab Thought,” “Political Arab Thought,” and “Ethical Arab Thought.”
The usage of the term Arabic in the titles of his works stands out, considering that he delves into Islamic sciences and Islamic history. Even though these works have been translated into Turkish and widely read in Turkiye, the question arises: Why does he employ the term Arabic? In an article he wrote in relation to the Turkish translation of the second book in the “Critique of Arabic Thought” series, the author provides three reasons for this choice. Firstly, the Islamic intellect encompasses not only books written in Arabic but also works in Turkish, Persian, and other languages, of which he may not be familiar. Secondly, in his homeland, despite his Berber background, the terms “Arab” and “Islam” are used interchangeably without a clear distinction. Thirdly, had he used the term Critique of Islamic Thought, it might have been misconstrued as a criticism of the religious aspect of Islam, which is not his intention. Instead, his critique primarily focuses on the intellectual history of Islam, predominantly based on Arabic written works, thus making it relevant to our understanding. In fact, he has made a significant contribution that anyone interested in this intellectual history cannot ignore, leaving a lasting imprint on history. So, what are the key highlights of Jabiri’s critique?
In the first book of his four-part series, titled “Formation of Arab Thought,” which aims to analyse the epistemological foundation of Arab culture and the development of the “Arab intellect,” it is essential to grasp the concept of the “tedvin asrı” (era of formation). This era goes beyond the mere origin of Islamic sciences and Arabic linguistics; it represents the period in which the overall cultural structure, which has served as the enduring framework for Arab-Islamic thought and culture, took shape and has maintained its dominance throughout history. According to the author, the Arab-Islamic intellect emerged during this era and has remained largely unchanged, exerting its influence over subsequent centuries. Although it has experienced growth and progress, its fundamental structure, in the author’s perspective, has remained unaltered. Consequently, Jabiri characterizes the trajectory of Arab-Islamic culture as a “static movement.”
Within the pages of this book, the reader will encounter three additional concepts that go beyond the notion of the era of invention: Beyan, Burhan, and Irfan. Beyan encompasses the language and religious sciences that have emerged from the Arab-Islamic intellect. Essentially, the “beyanic thought system” encompasses disciplines such as lexicography, grammar, syntax, prosody, rhetoric, jurisprudence, exegesis, hadith, theology, and their respective methodologies. Burhan, although rooted in Greek philosophy, specifically refers to Aristotelian philosophy and logic, as well as their areas of influence, emphasizing a knowledge grounded in evidence. Irfan, on the other hand, signifies the infiltration of Manichaean, Hermetic, Mystic, and Neo-Platonic perspectives into Islamic culture, encompassing their influences, extensions, as well as the incorporation of Gnostic and dualistic beliefs. Thus, these three distinct systems of knowledge contribute to the formation of Arab intellect, prompting the author to critically examine them individually and engage in self-criticism through a structural analysis.
While reading Jabiri, one of the essential concepts to be considered is “crisis.” The emergence of a distinct intellectual history within a grand civilization relies heavily on the interconnectedness of different systems of thought. However, Jabiri posits that an intellectual crisis arises when incompatible foundations coexist, and remarkably, this crisis has persisted throughout history without resolution. He suggests that the fusion of the “religious rational” represented by the beyanic intellect and the “rational irrational” embodied by the irfani-mystical currents has resulted in an inharmonious amalgamation, rendering the Arab-Islamic intellect ineffective. Notably, the deliberate decision to translate Aristotle, motivated by Caliph Mamun’s symbolic dream, was a planned endeavour aimed at overcoming this crisis. Referred to as the “crisis of foundations,” this phenomenon traces its origins back to the era of invention and continues to exert its influence in contemporary times.
What does the Arab intellect represent?
In the second book of the series, “The Structure of Arab Intellect,” the author delves deeper into the tripartite classification of Beyan-Burhan-Irfan. Within this context, the author explores various intellectual authorities that have exerted influence on the Arab-Islamic intellect. These authorities can be summarized as follows: the authority of the predecessor, signifying the dominance of the past over the future, and the authority of the text, highlighting the significance of the original source and its interpretations. In contrast, the mystical knowledge system, which places willpower above reason and asserts that the divine cannot be fully grasped through intellect alone, emerges not as an absolute truth but as a subjective claim unique to each individual, with its validity contingent upon their judgment and choice. The irfani intellect has not only infiltrated realms such as Sufism, ethical and literary traditions, and Batini-Ismaili currents but has also left an imprint on the philosophical thoughts of scholars like Farabi and Ibn Sina.
According to Jabiri, these are the factors that give rise to a crisis in the structure of Arab-Islamic intellect. These distinct knowledge systems were not clearly separated; instead, they often intertwined with each other in intricate ways. However, does Jabiri provide a solution to this crisis? According to Jabiri, to overcome this crisis and revitalize Arab-Islamic thought, we should incorporate the critical approach of Ibn Hazm, the rationalism of Ibn Rushd, the methodology of Shâtibi, and the historiography of Ibn Khaldun, thereby reconstructing our trajectory. Jabiri asserts that renewal does not start from scratch but can be built upon a pre-existing foundation, rooted in our cultural heritage. However, the issue at hand goes beyond mere selection and adoption of historical elements. The key question is: “How should we understand and where should we commence in order to bring about change and awakening?”
In the realm of Arab Political Intellect, in addition to the aforementioned concepts, we encounter a threefold conceptual framework comprising “doctrine, tribe, and spoils.” These elements serve as determinants of Arab political thought. Jabiri’s historical analysis is inherently political, and in this book, we witness its heightened depth. He interprets all religious-historical events by contextualizing them within their political backdrop, extensively examining the era of the four caliphs, as well as the Umayyad and Abbasid periods. These analyses go beyond a mere historical account; rather, the author envisions a reconstructive endeavour that encompasses an original framework, aiming to counter imperialism and cultural dominance in the contemporary world, drawing insights from historical experiences.
The solution he proposes involves transcending the influence of tribal dynamics in society and establishing a novel social organization through political parties, unions, independent associations, and constitutional institutions. It also entails transforming the concept of “spoils” into a productive and equitable economy, moving away from a rent-based system, and fostering the creation of shared markets to bolster economic strength. Furthermore, the transformation of “doctrine” involves elevating it to a realm of pure thought, fostering the development of intellectual freedoms instead of succumbing to sectarian divisions. Above all, the author emphasizes the importance of advocating for the unity of the Arab world.
In Arab Ethical Intellect, the author once again conducts an archaeological excavation to delve into the sources of this intellect, concluding that it emerges from the convergence of five distinct sources. What was referred to as the crisis of foundations in previous books is transformed here into a crisis of values. Accordingly, the Persian heritage emphasizes the “ethics of obedience,” the Greek heritage highlights the “ethics of happiness,” the Sufi heritage embodies the “ethics of self-annihilation,” the pure Arab heritage embodies the “ethics of nobility,” and the Islamic heritage emphasizes the principle of “righteous deeds” or “benefit.” In essence, this book serves as a continuation of the previous one, aiming to expose the political weaknesses that dominate Arab ethical intellect. In doing so, Jabiri seeks to investigate the roots of our current problems.
The ethics of obedience inherited from the Persian legacy has created a tradition where everything is sacrificed for the sultan, resulting in a societal structure that undermines human dignity. On the other hand, the Greek moral philosophy, which emphasizes individual happiness, the Arab tradition centred around nobility, and the Islamic ethics that prioritize righteous deeds and benefit, could have formed a strong foundation for Arab Ethics. However, with the support of governments and sultans, and the influence of certain scholars and writers, a distorted understanding emerged. On one hand, the mystical heritage of Sufism, influenced by hermetic traditions, propagated the notion of “self-annihilation” (fenâ), where everything is destroyed. On the other hand, the ethics of obedience based on the Persian heritage resulted in the disregard of individuals, fostering the belief that “everything is for the sultan.”
Jabiri suggests that contemporary guidance can be found in works that approach ethical issues through scientific and psychological perspectives. These texts, known as “ethical medicine,” include works by Sabit b. Sinan, Ibn al-Haytham, Kindi, and Razi. In contrast, the philosophical orientation influenced by Greek heritage sometimes succumbs to Kisra values, attempting to transform the “Virtuous City” into a Kisra state, as seen in the works of Al-Farabi. The author poses the question, “When will the Arab-Islamic dream break free from this Ardashir model?” Additionally, it partly aligns with Ibn Bajjah’s project of self-governance. Among the recommended works for the reconstruction of Islamic ethics, Ibn Rushd’s summary of Plato’s work and Ibn Bajjah’s book hold significance. These texts by Ibn Rushd and Ibn Bajjah offer liberation from the ethics of obedience associated with Ardashir and the pacifying ethics of the Sufis. On the other hand, encyclopedic and quotation-oriented works compiled by figures like Âmirî, Miskawayh, and others within philosophy encompass the ethics of obedience, rendering them unsystematic and negative examples within Jabiri’s reconstruction framework.
Sufism, in Jabiri’s view, has undergone an ethical dissolution under the influence of mystical traditions that entered the Islamic world from external sources. Jabiri, emphasizing the concepts of nobility and generosity in the pure Arab heritage, highlights Muhasibi in the Pure Islamic Heritage, underlining the distinctiveness of Muhasibi’s ascetic aspect from other Sufi movements. In other words, if there are sources in Sufism that Jabiri can approve of, Muhasibi is at the forefront. However, Muhasibi also stands outside the mainstream of Sufism and follows an original Islamic path. According to Jabiri, the initial works of the project that can be referred to as “Islamic ethical thought” are found in Muhasibi’s writings. Jabiri also criticizes the lack of originality and the existence of a mixed system in the moral works of Rāghib al-Isfahani, Māwardi, and Ghazali, as well as the Islamization of elements derived from Persian heritage and Greek ethics. The individuals Jabiri primarily highlights and praises as illuminating figures for contemporary times in terms of Islamic ethics are Muhasibi, as mentioned earlier, emphasizing the ethics of righteous deeds (salih amel) and making the concept of benefit (maslahat) the essence of ethics and politics, and also Ibn Taymiyyah.
In the section of the book that addresses the “crisis of values,” it explores the progression of a crisis starting from the Great Fitna, leading to the questioning of the very notion of “faith” within individuals’ consciences. Additionally, this section reveals how all power-holders aiming to subject the people to despotic governance have exploited this fear of unrest. Jabiri firmly rejects absolute obedience to authority by asserting, “Moreover, this excessive emphasis on ‘avoiding discord’ has paradoxically justified accepting a life of subservience and degradation, which in itself constitutes discord!”
Drawing from this perspective, Jabiri proposes a renaissance of the Arab-Islamic world, with the aim of shaping its future by aligning with Western thinkers like Ibn Rushd instead of embracing eclectic schools in the East. This revival would be rooted in critical rationalism. To achieve this, it is crucial to dismantle the existing sultanates and military-based dictatorships in the Arab world, paving the way for democratic governance. Additionally, there is a need to replace the spiritual inclinations influenced by Eastern mysticism with an intellectual culture founded on critical thinking. Furthermore, it calls for the development of a new approach to jurisprudence that addresses contemporary needs, moving away from a reliance solely on the authority of predecessors and texts.
Jabiri asserts that secularism is not a suitable approach for the Arab-Islamic world. Instead, he highlights the significance of democracy and rationalism, aiming to rebuild based on the principles of Islamic heritage. According to Jabiri, although democratization is essential, he firmly opposes the adoption of secularism. Jabiri dismisses the idea of an apolitical Islam, recognizing that it would result in a clerical form of the religion that lacks involvement in political affairs. Furthermore, Jabiri sets himself apart from historical thinkers like Hasan Hanafi, Nasr Hamid Abu Zayd, and Muhammad Arkoun. In defining his position, he critiques reformists such as Afgani, Abduh, and the Muslim Brotherhood for their perceived lack of significant accomplishments. He also accuses advocates of liberal-secular Westernization of being out of touch with societal realities, and Islam-West synthesizers of failing to offer a substantial framework. Jabiri identifies as an independent thinker primarily concerned with epistemology. Jabiri sees the existing Arab-Islamic epistemology as an obstacle to progress. The way to overcome this is through a departure from this epistemology and the realization of the reconstruction we have mentioned above.
Jabiri simultaneously criticizes both the sterile cycles and deadlocks of contemporary Salafi thought and the spiritual tendencies of Sufi schools that undermine the effectiveness of reason. In other words, he offers simultaneous criticism towards both opposing ends. However, Jabiri’s works do not extensively delve into the critique of modern Western thought.
Jabiri has faced criticism as much as he has gained supporters. Taha Abdurrahman is one of the most notable critics of Jabiri, and this shouldn’t come as a surprise. While one of them, drawing from Ibn Rushd’s rationalism, distinguishes philosophy and religion, considering them as separate entities and valid sources of truth, the other, in contrast, aims for a different kind of renewal based on Ghazali. Furthermore, Taha Abdurrahman provides the critique of contemporary Western thought that is absent in Jabiris works. Both perspectives offer possibilities for us to further explore. Therefore, let us not hesitate to engage with and contemplate both viewpoints, as we embark together towards new horizons.
