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Islam, Ethnic Conflicts, and Social Peace in the Horn of Africa

Abdullah Özçelik by Abdullah Özçelik
14 October 2025
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Islam, Ethnic Conflicts, and Social Peace in the Horn of Africa
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This text has been translated from the original Turkish version.

Islam in the Horn of Africa, historically a bearer of peace, has become fragile today due to state interventions, ethno-religious conflicts, and terrorist organizations. The demolition of mosques, attacks, and pressure on religious leaders in Ethiopia, Sudan, Somalia, and Eritrea restrict the freedoms of Muslims and threaten social peace.

The story of Islam in the Horn of Africa, which began with the first migration (Hijra) to Abyssinia, saw the persecuted Muslims of Mecca seek refuge under the protection of the Aksumite Emperor, creating early religious-political contact across the two shores of the Red Sea. This contact, progressing through trade networks and centers like Harar, deepened with sultanates and Sufi orders (Tariqas), transforming the region into a powerful Islamic cultural basin for centuries. By the 20th century, colonial administrations and post-independence nation-state formation processes redefined the role of religious identity in social peace. Ethiopia’s centralizing modernization efforts, the collapse of the state and civil war in Somalia, authoritarian secularization in Eritrea, and the shaping of state institutions by Islamist politics in Sudan led to Islam becoming not only a cultural foundation but also a field of political struggle. Today, the same region is an area of fragility where the role of religion in social peace is being debated again. The demolition of mosques in Ethiopia, attacks on mosques in Sudan, the targeting of civilians by radical organizations in Somalia, and the strict state control over religious life in Eritrea directly affect the daily lives of Muslims. This analysis examines Islam’s contribution to social peace in the region and the four main challenges faced by Muslims in recent years, using current examples.

State-Derived Restrictions

One of the most significant factors shaping the religious life of Muslims in the Horn of Africa is direct state intervention. Although the freedom of worship is constitutionally guaranteed, recent practices, such as the demolition of mosques in Ethiopia and the strict state control over religious institutions in Eritrea, have directly affected the daily practices of Muslims. In Somalia, despite the state officially recognizing Islam, strict monitoring implemented for security reasons can go beyond the goal of protecting social peace and narrow the scope of individual freedoms. This picture indicates that religious life in the region is significantly limited not only by social dynamics but also by the state’s security-focused and controlling policies.

One of the most striking examples of state-induced restrictions in the Horn of Africa took place in Ethiopia. In 2023, at least 19 mosques were demolished as part of the “Sheger City” urban development project carried out around Addis Ababa. Muslims who gathered around the Grand Anwar Mosque in the capital after the Friday prayer protested these demolitions. Following the harsh intervention of security forces during the demonstrations, numerous individuals were detained. According to some sources, at least 8 Muslims lost their lives (Al Mujtama Magazine, 2023). While official authorities defended the demolitions on the grounds of “urban planning” or “unauthorised construction,” local media and civil society organisations claimed that the mosques were specifically targeted (PoliticsToday, 2025; The Reporter Ethiopia, 2023; WardheerNews, 2023). Similarly, while direct state interference in the freedom of worship is not observed in Somalia, it is noteworthy that the state exercises comprehensive control for security reasons. The severe measures taken after the attack on the Godka Jilacow prison in Mogadishu on October 4, 2025, demonstrate how the freedom of worship in public spaces and security policies are intertwined. These examples reveal that state interventions over religious sites in the region are sometimes justified through urban development policies and sometimes through security concerns.

Social Discrimination and Attacks

The problems faced by Muslims in the Horn of Africa have not been limited to state interventions; various cases of discrimination and violence have also occurred at the societal level. On February 19, 2023, clashes erupted at the Fatih Mosque in Nekemte city, Oromia region, Ethiopia, between a group attempting to obstruct the speech of newly appointed Council members and the worshippers. Mosque windows were broken, and several individuals were assaulted (ACLED, 2023). The protests that developed after the mosque demolitions around Addis Ababa not only increased state-society tensions but also fueled a debate among ethnic groups regarding “whose places of worship were being targeted.” Local and regional media reported growing concerns that Muslims were specifically being targeted (Salaamedia, 2023; WardheerNews, 2023). The picture was far more devastating in Sudan. In 2025, during attacks carried out by the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) militia in Darfur, at least 70 worshippers were killed when bombs were dropped by a drone on a mosque (Reuters, 2025a). This attack was perceived not only as an incident of ethnic violence but also as a “hate attack” targeting religious places. Furthermore, in the first half of 2025, ethnic violence against civilians significantly increased in Sudan, with reports of civilians suffering from starvation, bombing, and discrimination at checkpoints, particularly during the siege of El Fasher (Reuters, 2025b; Reuters, 2025b). All these examples demonstrate that ethno-religious divisions are transforming into forms of societal violence that directly target Muslims, especially in conflict zones.

Muslim Civilians Affected by Terrorist Groups and Conflicts

The most devastating reality of the Horn of Africa is the predicament of Muslim civilians caught directly in the midst of terrorist attacks and internal conflicts. Particularly in Somalia, Al-Shabaab’s suicide attacks target civilians from marketplaces to mosques, while the civil war between the RSF (Rapid Support Forces) and the army in Sudan has exposed Muslim communities in Darfur to massacres and forced displacement. Although the conflicts in Amhara and Oromia in Ethiopia are not directly religiously based, it is reported that Muslim villages are severely affected by security operations. While Djibouti and Eritrea appear relatively safer, the waves of instability originating from Somalia and Sudan also shape the daily lives of Muslims in these countries through security concerns.

Al-Shabaab attacks in Somalia have shown a major increase over the last three years. In 2024, 32 people were killed and more than 63 were injured in a suicide bombing and armed raid on Mogadishu’s Lido beach (Le Monde, 2024). In 2025, armed clashes broke out during an attack on the Godka Jilacow prison in Mogadishu, resulting in numerous injuries (Reuters, 2025d). In the same year, approximately 20 people, including 15 soldiers and 5 civilians, lost their lives in a suicide attack on a military base near the capital (Hiiraan, 2025). Reports that Al-Shabaab is regaining strength, particularly in the Shabelle region, and has approached as close as 40 kilometres to Mogadishu, indicate that the pressure exerted by the organization on civilians continues to increase (The Guardian, 2025a).

In Sudan, however, the situation is much more devastating. In March 2025, dozens of civilians were killed or injured in an airstrike carried out by the Sudanese Armed Forces on a market in North Darfur (Reuters, 2025e). In the same year, it was reported that RSF (Rapid Support Forces) militias attacked refugee camps in Darfur, killing or injuring hundreds of civilians (Reuters, 2025f). The Guardian also reported that the RSF’s attacks on civilian camps and settlements displaced millions of Muslim civilians and reinforced claims of ethnic cleansing (The Guardian, 2025b). According to United Nations data, ethnic violence against civilians in Darfur increased significantly in the first half of 2025 (Reuters, 2025b).

Although the conflicts in Ethiopia’s Tigray, Amhara, and Oromia regions are not directly religiously motivated, it has been reported that Muslim villages have been severely affected by security operations, resulting in displacement and damage to places of worship. While Eritrea and Djibouti appear more stable, these waves of violence in neighboring countries are shaping the daily lives of Muslims in the region through security concerns.

Pressure on Religious Leaders and Civil Society Organizations

The contribution of Muslim communities to social peace in the Horn of Africa largely depends on the ability of religious leaders and civil society organizations to act independently. However, serious pressures have been observed in this area over the last three years. In Ethiopia, during the protests against mosque demolitions around Addis Ababa in 2023, several prominent imams and community representatives were detained, indicating that security forces’ interventions directly targeted religious leaders (The Reporter Ethiopia, 2023). In Somalia, rather than direct state-induced pressure, the focus is on Al-Shabaab’s attacks against leaders with different religious interpretations. The organization has long targeted sheikhs and madrasas, especially those from the Sufi tradition. In Sudan, the picture is much grimmer. It has been reported that imams and religious leaders were abducted and killed by militias in Darfur, and that the RSF (Rapid Support Forces) carried out discrimination based on religious identity at checkpoints (Reuters, 2025f). The drone attack on a mosque in El Fasher in September 2025 created a risk that the imam, along with the congregation, was being targeted (Reuters, 2025a). In Eritrea, pressures manifest in a different form. The state only permits officially recognized religious institutions and systematically restricts independent leaders and educational institutions. The state intervention against the Al-Diaa Islamic School in 2017 and the death of the school’s head, Haji Musa, in custody are still remembered as a symbolic case of this repression (USCIRF, 2019). All these examples reveal that religious leaders and Islamic civil society organizations in the region are being restricted by both states and armed groups, which prevents the strengthening of social peace through religiously based initiatives.

References

ACLED. (2023, February 24). Ethiopia weekly: 18–24 February 2023. Armed Conflict Location & Event Data Project. https://acleddata.com/update/epo-weekly-18-24-february-2023

Al Mujtama Magazine. (2023). Demolishing mosques in Ethiopia: Why? https://www.en.mugtama.com/articles/demolishing_mosques_in_ethiopia_why_

Le Monde. (2024, August 3). Over 30 killed in al-Shabaab attack on busy Mogadishu beach. https://www.lemonde.fr/en/international/article/2024/08/03/over-30-killed-in-al-shabaab-attack-on-busy-mogadishu-beach_6708422_4.html

PoliticsToday. (2025). Demolishing mosques in Ethiopia: Urbanization or Islamophobia? https://politicstoday.org/demolishing-mosques-in-ethiopia-urbanization-or-islamophobia/

Reuters. (2025a, September 9). More than 70 killed in attack by Sudan paramilitary in Al-Fashir: Sovereignty Council. https://www.reuters.com/world/africa/more-than-70-killed-attack-by-sudan-paramilitary-al-fashir-sovereignty-council-2025-09-19/

Reuters. (2025b, September 19). Significant rise in civilian killings in Sudan conflict this year, says UN human rights. https://www.reuters.com/world/africa/significant-rise-civilian-killings-sudan-conflict-this-year-says-un-human-rights-2025-09-19/

Reuters. (2025c, September 19). Shelling, hunger, humiliation: Escaping residents describe siege of Sudan’s Al-Fashir. https://www.reuters.com/world/africa/shelling-hunger-humiliation-escaping-residents-describe-siege-sudans-al-fashir-2025-09-09/

Reuters. (2025d, October 4). Somali forces fighting al-Shabaab attack high security prison. https://www.reuters.com/world/africa/somali-forces-fighting-al-shabaab-attack-high-security-prison-2025-10-04/

Reuters. (2025e, March 25). Sudanese army airstrike Darfur kills dozens, activists say. https://www.reuters.com/world/africa/sudanese-army-airstrike-darfur-kills-dozens-activists-say-2025-03-25/

Reuters. (2025f, April 13). Sudan’s RSF claims control major Darfur camp, civilians flee. Retrieved from https://www.reuters.com/world/africa/sudans-rsf-claims-control-major-darfur-camp-civilians-flee-2025-04-13/

Salaamedia. (2023, June 8). Demolitions of mosques in Ethiopia trigger protests and calls for transparency amidst growing concerns. https://salaamedia.com/2023/06/08/demolitions-of-mosques-in-ethiopia-trigger-protests-and-calls-for-transparency-amidst-growing-concerns/

The Guardian. (2025a, October 4). “The fear was immense”: al-Shabaab exploits fragmented politics to reclaim land in Somalia. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/oct/04/the-fear-was-immense-al-shabaab-exploits-fragmented-politics-to-reclaim-land-in-somalia

The Guardian. (2025b, April 13). Sudan’s RSF kills civilians in attacks on Darfur refugee camps. https://www.theguardian.com/world/2025/apr/13/sudans-rsf-kills-civilians-in-attacks-on-darfur-refugee-camps

The Reporter Ethiopia. (2023, May 27). Mass protests erupt over mosque demolitions. https://www.thereporterethiopia.com/34271/

United States Commission on International Religious Freedom. (2019). Annual Report 2019: Eritrea (Tier 1 – Countries of Particular Concern). Washington, DC: USCIRF

WardheerNews. (2023a). Mosque demolition: Politics of hate or faulty urban renewal? https://wardheernews.com/mosque-demolition-politics-of-hate-or-faulty-urban-renewal/

Opinions expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect Platform: Current Muslim Affairs’ editorial policy.

Abdullah Özçelik

Abdullah Özçelik

He is a research assistant in the Department of Islamic Economics and Finance at Sakarya University. He completed his bachelor’s, master’s, and doctoral studies in the Department of Political Science and Public Administration at the same university. In his doctoral thesis, he examined the idea of “progress” in Islamist thought during the Second Constitutional Period of the Ottoman Empire. In his current research, he focuses on state-building, institutional development, and regional dynamics in African countries, addressing these topics within a historical and comparative framework in relation to the political experiences of the Ottoman Empire and Turkey.

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